Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/2067/41188
DC FieldValueLanguage
dc.contributor.authorSavino, Marioit
dc.date.accessioned2020-10-20T23:06:31Z-
dc.date.available2020-10-20T23:06:31Z-
dc.date.issued2016it
dc.identifier.issn2071-8322it
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/2067/41188-
dc.description.abstractSince 2014, the refugee crisis has determined a sharp increase in the number of unauthorized arrivals on the Italian shores. However, contrary to what happened in other less affected European Union countries, the Italian government has not reacted with an antiimmigration policy. Rather, it has tried to reconcile the overarching imperative of a full compliance with EU norms regulating external border controls with the observance of the most compelling humanitarian obligations. The results have been mixed. Both the functionalist bias that is inherent in the administrative action and the legislative inertia during the crisis have produced a detrimental impact on the fundamental freedoms of the migrants. The Article addresses four main constitutional challenges: (1) The lack of legislative authorization for the imposition of coercive means in the context of the “hotspot approach”; (2) the deficiencies of the Italian system for the reception of asylum seekers and refugees, which became a source of destabilization of the Dublin system and the Schengen area; (3) the low level of due process protection that is guaranteed to migrants that are subject to return procedures; and (4) the problematic need to cooperate with third countries that do not adequately protect human rights. The Italian case illustrates a distinctive, yet more general trend. For member states who are geographically exposed to migration flows and whose borders overlap with the external borders of the Schengen area, developing an antiimmigration or anti-EU policy would be short-sighted and self-defeating. Those states need more—rather than less—Europe because they cannot stop the migration inflow. And they need to effectively manage it because it is the only way to keep the Schengen area alive— and not to be excluded from it.it
dc.format.mediumELETTRONICOit
dc.rightsCC0 1.0 Universal*
dc.rights.urihttp://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/*
dc.titleThe Refugee Crisis as a Challenge for Public Lawit
dc.typearticleen
dc.identifier.doihttps://doi.org/10.1017/S2071832200021568it
dc.identifier.urlhttps://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/german-law-journal/article/refugee-crisis-as-a-challenge-for-public-law-the-italian-case/218226377ECFAF2D7AEF2E8F77B83956it
dc.relation.issn20718322en
dc.relation.journalGERMAN LAW JOURNALit
dc.relation.firstpage981it
dc.relation.lastpage1004it
dc.relation.numberofpages24it
dc.relation.conferencenameGERMAN LAW JOURNALen
dc.relation.volume17it
dc.relation.issue17it
dc.description.numberofauthors1it
dc.description.internationalnoit
dc.contributor.countryITAit
dc.type.refereeREF_1it
dc.type.miur262en
item.fulltextWith Fulltext-
item.openairetypearticle-
item.cerifentitytypePublications-
item.grantfulltextopen-
item.openairecristypehttp://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_18cf-
crisitem.journal.journalissn2071-8322-
crisitem.journal.anceE196249-
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